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These times present a quite distinctive phenomenon: the first-ever US march of the caretakers. Their qualifications differ in their expertise and characteristics, but they all possess the identical goal – to stop an Israeli breach, or even destruction, of the fragile peace agreement. Since the war ended, there have been few days without at least one of the former president's representatives on the territory. Only this past week saw the presence of a senior advisor, a businessman, a senator and Marco Rubio – all arriving to execute their duties.

The Israeli government occupies their time. In just a few days it initiated a wave of operations in Gaza after the killings of a pair of Israeli military personnel – leading, according to reports, in dozens of local fatalities. Multiple leaders demanded a restart of the fighting, and the Knesset approved a initial resolution to take over the occupied territories. The American response was somehow ranging from “no” and “hell no.”

But in various respects, the US leadership seems more focused on maintaining the current, unstable stage of the truce than on progressing to the subsequent: the rebuilding of Gaza. Regarding this, it looks the United States may have aspirations but few concrete strategies.

Currently, it is uncertain when the proposed international governing body will truly begin operating, and the similar applies to the designated peacekeeping troops – or even the composition of its soldiers. On Tuesday, a US official declared the US would not impose the structure of the international contingent on Israel. But if the prime minister's government continues to refuse one alternative after another – as it did with the Ankara's proposal this week – what occurs next? There is also the contrary issue: who will establish whether the troops preferred by the Israelis are even willing in the task?

The question of the duration it will require to demilitarize Hamas is similarly ambiguous. “Our hope in the leadership is that the global peacekeeping unit is intends to at this point take charge in neutralizing the organization,” said Vance this week. “That’s going to take a period.” The former president only highlighted the ambiguity, stating in an interview on Sunday that there is no “rigid” schedule for the group to disarm. So, hypothetically, the unknown elements of this not yet established international force could enter the territory while the organization's fighters still remain in control. Would they be dealing with a administration or a guerrilla movement? Among the many of the issues emerging. Others might wonder what the outcome will be for average civilians as things stand, with the group carrying on to focus on its own political rivals and dissidents.

Latest incidents have once again underscored the omissions of Israeli journalism on each side of the Gazan boundary. Every source strives to scrutinize all conceivable aspect of Hamas’s breaches of the peace. And, in general, the reality that Hamas has been stalling the repatriation of the remains of killed Israeli hostages has taken over the headlines.

Conversely, attention of non-combatant casualties in the region caused by Israeli attacks has received little focus – or none. Consider the Israeli response actions after Sunday’s Rafah incident, in which a pair of military personnel were lost. While Gaza’s officials reported dozens of deaths, Israeli media pundits questioned the “light answer,” which focused on only infrastructure.

This is not new. During the previous few days, the information bureau alleged Israel of breaking the peace with Hamas 47 occasions since the agreement began, killing dozens of individuals and wounding another many more. The allegation was irrelevant to the majority of Israeli news programmes – it was simply missing. This applied to reports that 11 individuals of a Palestinian household were killed by Israeli soldiers a few days ago.

The rescue organization stated the individuals had been trying to return to their dwelling in the a Gaza City area of Gaza City when the vehicle they were in was fired upon for allegedly passing the “demarcation line” that defines zones under Israeli military command. That boundary is not visible to the human eye and appears only on maps and in official papers – not always obtainable to average people in the area.

Yet that event barely rated a reference in Israeli media. One source covered it in passing on its digital site, referencing an Israeli military representative who explained that after a questionable transport was identified, soldiers discharged cautionary rounds towards it, “but the car kept to advance on the troops in a manner that created an imminent danger to them. The soldiers shot to neutralize the threat, in accordance with the ceasefire.” No injuries were stated.

With this perspective, it is understandable many Israeli citizens think the group exclusively is to at fault for breaking the ceasefire. This view threatens encouraging demands for a stronger approach in the region.

At some point – perhaps in the near future – it will not be enough for all the president’s men to act as kindergarten teachers, telling the Israeli government what not to do. They will {have to|need